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'A silver token of Julian in the Ashmolean Museum' by Cristian Mondello (April 2023)

Among the Roman tokens now in the Heberden Coin Room in the Ashmolean Museum is a silver token made of silver issued by Julian (AD 361-363), the last descendant of the Constantinian dynasty (Fig. 1). On the obverse of the token we find a pearl-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust of the ruler left, holding Victory on a globe in his right hand and a shield decorated with a she-wolf and twins motif over his left shoulder; although the specimen has a segment broken away from both top and top left hand sides, the obverse legend can confidently be restored as D N FL [CL IVLI-ANVS P F AVG] based on comparison with other known similar token pieces, as will be shown below. On the other side is an image of Anubis standing left, wearing a tunic, a mantle over his shoulders and boots, holding a branch in his right hand and a caduceus in his left, which is accompanied by the legend VOTA [PVB]LICA.

Fig. 1: AR, 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token, Rome, AD 361-363 (24mm, 3.45g). Courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, inv. HCR71367. 漏 Ashmolean Museum.

The imagery and the reverse legend allow us to connect this specimen with a late Roman series, the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens, which were struck by the mint of Rome from the first Tetrarchy (AD 294鈥�305) through at least the first two generations of the Valentinian dynasty (AD 364鈥�378). These tokens display portraits of Roman emperors or Egyptian deities (Serapis, Isis, Hermanubis, or the jugate busts of Serapis and Isis) on the obverse, in conjunction with a variety of depictions referring to different aspects of Egyptian and Isiac cults on the reverse. Although auction catalogues and occasional academic contributions have mostly connected these artefacts to the Navigium Isidis, the renowned festival of Isis which was annually held on the 5th of March, the regular presence of the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� legend as well as the dates of accession and death of imperial rulers that are portrayed on the obverses support instead the idea that these pieces were produced on the occasion of the annual vows (鈥榲ota publica鈥�) collectively pronounced for the health of the Roman emperor on the 3rd of January against the backdrop of New Year celebrations.

The token housed in Oxford, formerly in Prince of Waldeck鈥檚 collection (XVIII century), is of great interest not only for the high quality of its designs and workmanship, but also for the metal of which it is made, namely silver. Indeed, the use of silver does deviates from the common patterns seen for the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens, which were normally produced in brass and bronze. This raises questions about manufacturing methods and relevant changes that took place within token production during Julian鈥檚 reign.

Fig. 2: a. AE, 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token, Rome, AD 361-363 (24mm, 4.05g). Numismatica Ars Classica 92, 23-24.05.2016, lot 766. b. AE, 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token, Rome, AD 361-363 (25mm, 6.30g). Courtesy of the Museo Arqueol贸gico Nacional (MAN) of Madrid, inv. 2014/66/67. 漏 Museo Arqueol贸gico Nacional (MAN) of Madrid.

A closer look at the imagery of the token and its relationship to other surviving tokens of Julian from the same series allows us to make some remarks on its chronology and production context. Based on a recent classification of the available material (Bricault & Mondello, forthcoming), Julian鈥檚 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens can be sorted into five major groups consisting of die-linked specimens, which were struck in either bronze or brass in three modules, AE1-AE2 (c. 21-27mm) (Julian, Group 1) and AE4 (c. 12鈥�15mm) (Julian, Groups 2鈥�5). Interestingly, Julian鈥檚 effigy is shown here according to three variants. Of them, the obverse portrait displayed on the Oxford token is shared by some of the clusters from Group 1 showing different Egyptian images on the reverse (Fig. 2a). Moreover, die analysis shows that the Oxford silver token was issued with the same obverse and reverse dies that were used to strike a specimen made of bronze, now in Madrid (Fig. 2b). The imperial portrait found on these specimens is unparalleled within the official coinage, and was probably an original creation by the Roman mint expressly for the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� series. Two other portraits attested on these tokens instead reproduce or imitate the imperial portraiture found on regular Roman coins: a left鈥揻acing and helmeted bust of Julian, holding a shield over his left shoulder (Julian, Group 2) (Fig. 3a), as found on the VOT X MVLT XX silver and bronze coin issues issued at most of the major mints in anticipation of Julian鈥檚 decennalia (Fig. 3b); and the common type of the imperial bust right, with cuirass and paludamentum, short or long鈥揵earded (Julian, Groups 1鈥�5) (Fig. 4a), as seen on the small VIRT EXERC ROMANOR bronzes by the Roman mint (RIC VIII, Rome, 327) (Fig. 4b) and, more generally, on solidi and large bronzes issued by other mints in AD 362鈥�363.

Fig. 3 a. AE, 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token, Rome, AD 361-363 (15mm, 1.74g). Courtesy of the Museo Civico di Bologna, inv. 47046. 漏 Museo Civico di Bologna. b. AE, VOT X MVLT XX coin, Rome, AD 363 (18.8mm, 3.17g) (RIC VIII, Rome, 329). Courtesy of the M眉nzkabinett der Universit盲t G枚ttingen, inv. AS-04485 漏 M眉nzkabinett der Universit盲t G枚ttingen.

Fig. 4 a. AE, 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token, Rome, AD 361-363 (14mm, 1.57g). Courtesy of the Museo Arqueol贸gico Nacional (MAN) of Madrid, inv. 2014/66/203. 漏 Museo Arqueol贸gico Nacional (MAN) of Madrid. b. AE, VIRT EXERC ROMANOR coin, Rome, AD 362-363 (14mm, 1.32g) ( RIC VIII, Rome, 327). From a private collection.

The imperial titulature, which reads D N FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG (Group 1) or FL CL IVLIANVS P F [or P P] AVG (Groups 2鈥�5), along with the comparison with coin imagery allow for a more precise chronology of these token issues. According to Kent, the title D(ominus) N(oster) seems not to have entered general use within Julian鈥檚 coinage until after the start of 363 (Kent 1959, p. 114; RIC VIII, pp. 46, 54). Following Kent鈥檚 suggestion, the silver token held in Oxford, as well as the large鈥搒ized 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens from Group 1 bearing a long imperial legend including D N, might date back to the celebrations of the vota publica of the 3rd January 363, as also pointed out by the style of the imperial effigy with a long beard, which clearly refers to Julian鈥檚 later coinage. The same dating can be applied to tokens from Group 2, the obverses of which are similar to dies from the VOT X MVLT XX issues apparently struck by the Roman mint in AD 363 (RIC VIII, Rome, 328鈥�330), although the former retained a short imperial titulature not found on the latter. Less clear is instead the chronology of the specimens from Groups 3-5. The portrait and the short imperial legend on the obverse of these pieces, as well as their size - matching the pre鈥搑eform VIRT EXERC ROMANOR issues (= AE4) - may date them to the previous year, that is the 3rd January 362, although one cannot completely rule out the idea that they were also part of the AD 363 token issue.

The existence of a 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token made of silver clearly suggests that a small cluster was produced in precious metal within this late Roman series during the reign of Julian, in addition to the more common bronze and brass issues. While the actual purpose of these tokens remains debated (= devices issued as a means of pagan propaganda? Auspicious gifts distributed during New Year celebrations?), it is possible that the choice of manufacturing silver tokens resulted from a more general 鈥榬evival鈥� of the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� series which took place under Julian. Indeed, the evidence shows that the production of these specimens during the reign of the last Constantinian emperor saw a relative iconographic renewal of the reverse repertoire via the use of a new set of Egyptian types, as well as a reintroduction of the large-module denominations (AE1-AE2), which were earlier only struck for the first 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� issues at the time of the first two Tetrarchies (AD 294-305) and then replaced by mostly small-sized denominations (AE4) from Constantine I (AD 313-330/331). Such a 鈥榬evival鈥� of this token series showing Egyptian religious iconography is not surprising in light of Julian鈥檚 religious reform and his (short-lived) attempt to restore Hellenistic polytheism as the state religion. However, this production pattern, based on a trimetallic system (silver, orichalcum, and bronze) for the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens, apparently did not succeed and was not followed by Julian鈥檚 successors (Jovian and the Valentinian emperors up to Gratian), who only resumed manufacturing these tokens in brass and bronze 鈥� or at least there is no evidence to demonstrate otherwise. Whatever the purpose of these tokens, it may be argued that the use of silver to strike some of Julian鈥檚 token issues may have been matched by a higher exchange value compared to that of brass and bronze specimens, which also had the effect of providing a more valuable appearance to the object and the same level of aesthetic quality as found on silver coins and medallions.

Select bibliography

Alf枚ldi A., Isis-szertart谩sok R贸m谩ban a negyedik sz谩zad kereszt茅ny cs谩sz谩rai alatt = A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth Century, Budapest 1937.

Bricault, L., & Mondello, C., Isis Moneta. The 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� Tokens from late antique Rome. Volume 1: Catalogue, London (forthcoming).

Kent, J.P.C., 鈥楢n Introduction to the Coinage of Julian the Apostate鈥� (A.D. 360鈥�3), The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society, 6.19 (1959), pp. 109鈥�117.

RICVIII = Kent, J.P.C., The Roman Imperial Coinage. The family of Constantine I. A.D. 337鈥�364, Vol. VIII, London 1981.

'Engraving Roman 'tesserae': the 'Vota Publica' tokens from Girolamo Tanini's collection' by Cristian Mondello (December 2021)

Since the sixteenth century, a special and enigmatic late Roman token emission, the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� series, has received attention from antiquarians, dealers and collectors. These tokens, produced in either bronze or brass by the Roman mint, depict the effigies of Roman emperors from Diocletian (AD 284-305) to Valentinian II (AD 375-392) on the obverse (called the 鈥榠mperial鈥� series). Instead of an imperial image they might also carry the busts of Serapis, Isis, or Hermanubis (or the jugate busts of Serapis and Isis) (called the 鈥榓nonymous鈥� series). A number of ritual scenes and images referring to different aspects of Egyptian and Isiac cults are shown on the reverses, which are mostly accompanied by the legend 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� (= 鈥榩ublic vows鈥�). Due to the distinctive Egyptian religious iconography of these artefacts, a number of drawings or engravings of the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens appeared in several books, catalogues, and other contributions from the sixteenth to the early twenty centuries. These drawings reproduce, sometimes with a good degree of accuracy, some of the types found in the existing material, although the precise identification of the depicted specimens remains debated in most cases.

Two drawings reproducing 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� specimens are known to this author as showing an otherwise unattested obverse-reverse type combination. These designs were included by Girolamo (Hieronymus) Tanini in the plates of his 鈥楽upplementum鈥� to Banduri鈥檚 volume 鈥楴umismata Imperatorum Romanorum a Trajano Decio ad Palaelogos Augustos鈥� (Lutetiae, 1718), which was published in Rome in 1791 (Fig. 1) (Numismatum Imperatorum Romanorum a Trajano Decio ad Constantinum Draconem ab Anselmo Bandurio editorum Supplementum, Romae 1791). In this volume, Tanini catalogued hundreds of gold, silver and bronze coins from the reign of Trajan (AD 98-117) up to until that of Constantine XI Palaiologos (1149-1453). Most of the specimens recorded by Tanini existed as part his own collection, but others came from other collections or were taken from different books and catalogues. Girolamo Tanini was a priest and erudite greatly interested in numismatics, who served in Florence for the Rinuccini family as educator of Marquis Folco Rinuccini鈥檚 children Giovanni and Alessandro, as well as curator of the library housed in Palazzo Rinuccini. In this role, Tanini was also in charge of the numismatic collection of the Rinuccini family, which was initiated by Folco鈥檚 father, Marquis Carlo Rinuccini (1679-1748).

In his 鈥楽upplementum鈥�, Tanini described around seventy 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens from both the 鈥榠mperial鈥� and 鈥榓nonymous鈥� series, most of which were part of his own collection. However, he only illustrated six of these specimens. Two of them, belonging to the 鈥榓nonymous鈥� issue, came from Cardinal Stefano Borgia鈥檚 collection (1731-1804), and were later acquired by the Vatican. The other four were part of Tanini鈥檚 collection.

Of these, two display the pearl-diademed bust of the emperor Jovian facing right on the obverse, accompanied by the legend D N IOVIANVS P F AVG COS, while on the reverse is the type of Isis seated facing on high-backed throne, suckling Horus-Harpocrates (Fig. 2), or the type of Serapis-Agathodaemon and Isis-Thermouthis facing one another, carrying a sacred vase between them from which a serpent emerges (Fig. 3). The tokens depicted in these two drawings, labelled as AE2 (鈥榮ecundae formae鈥�), might be identified with two rare specimens bearing the same obverse and reverse type and legend and with the same diameter, which are currently housed in the Vatican collection. The other two drawings provided by Tanini depict the draped bust of Isis facing left on the obverse, wearing a basileion and holding a sistrum in her right hand, while on the reverse is the image of Isis standing right on a galley with oars sailing right. Although these images are widely attested in the available material, none of the surviving specimens show a combination of these two types.

Fig. 2: Tanini 1791, p. 324, pl. VI.

Fig. 3: Tanini 1791, p. 324, pl. VI.

In the 鈥楽upplementum鈥�, Tanini placed these two tokens under the coinage of Helena, the emperor Julian鈥檚 wife (died AD 360). As was common in his time, Tanini considered the busts of Serapis and Isis displayed on these tokens as disguised representations of Julian (AD 361-363) and Helena, following the idea that the production of some of these token issues was connected to Julian鈥檚 鈥減agan renaissance鈥�. Tanini鈥檚 description of the two considered specimens is as follows:

1) TANINI 1791, p. 321, pl. VI:

Obverse: 鈥榁OTA PVBLICA (sic). Protome Isidis, vel Helenae, absque velo, cum flore loti, dextrorsum, d. sistrum, s. ad pectus gemmatum composita鈥�.

Reverse: 鈥榁OTA PVBLICA. Isis sinistrorsum, stans in triremi, utraque manu velum regit鈥�.

The first of the two specimens (Fig. 4) was labelled as AE3 (鈥榯ertiae formae鈥�) by Tanini. While the combination of the illustrated obverse and reverse types, with the legend VOTA PVBLICA occurring on both sides of the token, is not found in any of the known specimens today, it is worth paying attention to a similar specimen from the Vatican collection - Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV) inv. no. Mt. Rom. Imp. Helena Iuliani 32. Although in a poor condition, this piece bears the same obverse type and legend as Tanini鈥檚 token, and the reverse also looks extremely similar with only one small difference: Isis has turned her head and is looking backwards (left), while on Tanini鈥檚 drawing Isis faces forward. It is tempting to assume that the specimen once owned by Tanini matches the Vatican piece, presuming that he misread the reverse type due to the poor condition of the token. However, no data on the acquisition of the piece by the Vatican collection is available. Moreover, the presence of a hole on the Vatican piece, which is not shown in Tanini鈥檚 drawing, may make this idea unlikely. If genuine, the piece described and figured in Tanini鈥檚 鈥楽upplementum鈥� could provide evidence of an unrecorded 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� specimen.

Fig. 4: Tanini 1791, p. 321, pl. VI.

Fig. 5: Tanini, 1791, p. 322, pl. VI.

2)TANINI 1791, p. 322, pl. VI:

Obverse: 鈥楧EA ISIS FARIA. Caput Isidis margaritis diadematum, collo duplici margaritarum monili ornato, humeris stolatis, d. sistrum鈥�.

Reverse: 鈥榁OTA PVBLICA. Isis in triremi, sinistrorsum stans, velum tenet鈥�.

The other specimen illustrated by Tanini (Fig. 5), labelled as A4 (鈥榪uartae formae鈥�), shows the same type combination of the previous piece, but it bears the obverse legend DEA ISIS FARIA instead of VOTA PVBLICA. As the available token specimens show, this legend was never used in the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� series. Moreover, the obverse legend shown in Tanini鈥檚 drawing seems to incorporate two of the obverse legends found on the existing pieces with the bust of Isis, namely DE(ae) ISIDI (in the dative case) (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV) (inv. no. Mt. Rom. Imp. Helena Iuliani 30)) and ISIS FARIA (in the nominative case) (Fig. 6). If the piece drawn by Tanini was genuine, the legend DEA ISIS FARIA would be unique (an unicum). Actually, it is likely that the legend transcribed by Tanini was the result of a wrong interpretation. This is despite the fact that Tanini was aware that the legend ISIS FARIA, as well as the less common legend DE ISIDI, occurred on the obverse of the token specimens from the 鈥榓nonymous鈥� series, as the specimens catalogued in his 鈥楽upplementum鈥� demonstrate.

Fig. 6: AE, 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� token (19mm, 2.30g, 5h). Rome, IV century AD. Bertolami Fine Arts 24, 23.06.2016, lot 955, once part of the Archaeological Museum of Florence鈥檚 collection (MAF).

Sadly, the 鈥楽upplementum鈥� by Tanini is the only available source for the discussed specimens which, like much of the material published in his volume, are no longer traceable. Indeed, the Tanini collection is currently dispersed. This numismatic collection was incorporated at some point into the Ranuccini collection, which came in 1850 into the Medagliere Granducale of the Reale Galleria in Florence. In turn, the Medagliere Granducale was moved to the Archaeological Museum of Florence (MAF) since 1895. Regrettably, there is no trace of the 鈥榁ota Publica鈥� tokens described by Tanini either in the MAF collection or in their registers. As seen above, some of Tanini鈥檚 tokens may have been acquired by the Vatican collection at some point in the twentieth century, but the lack of data does not allow us to br certain on this point. Further archival research may hopefully shed light on the fate of the tokens that were once part of Girolamo Tanini鈥檚 collection.

Select Bibliography

A. Alf枚ldi, Isis-szertart谩sok R贸m谩ban a negyedik sz谩zad kereszt茅ny cs谩sz谩rai alatt = A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth Century, Budapest 1937.

G. Capecchi et al., Palazzo Peruzzi. Palazzo Rinuccini, Rome 1980.

H. Tanini, Numismatum Imperatorum Romanorum a Trajano Decio ad Constantinum Draconem ab Anselmo Bandurio editorum Supplementum, Romae 1791.

'Converting Roman coins into tesserae: development and value' by Cristian Mondello (October 2018)

The conversion of Roman coins into coin-like objects is a practice documented during the imperial period. Although it is not always easy to date and determine the value of countermarks, incisions and other types of intervention on coins after their production, full academic awareness has not yet been acquired on the complexity of the reuse of coins in antiquity, which lost their previous economic function in order to acquire new meanings and purposes. In addition to pierced specimens 鈥� which were hung on the neck by a cord (funiculum) to be reused as amulets or jewels 鈥� official Roman coins were also transformed into tesserae by erasing their reverses and engraving Roman numerals on the surface instead.

Figures 1-2: Late Antique coins with numerals scratched on the reverse. Both are bronze coins, BnF Paris.

The specimens shown above (Figs. 1-2), both held in the Biblioth猫que nationale de France (BnF), bear on their obverses respectively the draped, cuirassed, and diademed bust of Julian the Apostate (on the left) and Theodosius I (DN THEODO-SIVS PF AVG) right (on the right). The reverses of both specimens were erased and smoothed, with the Roman numerals IIII and XII incised respectively. This phenomenon also appears to be attested on some earlier fourth-century bronze coins, e.g. those carrying the portrait of Maxentius and Constantius II (Alf枚ldi 1975, Taf. 7, nos. 9-10) on the obverses. However, their conversion into tesserae may have occurred before, at the same time or even after that of the two pieces mentioned above.

Figure 3: Bronze coin (M眉nzkabinett, Staatlichen Museen Berlin).

A specimen kept at the M眉nzkabinett in Berlin (Fig. 3) bears the bust of Julian the Apostate left on the obverse, while the image originally depicted on the reverse was erased and replaced with two engraved symbols, namely a palm branch and the monogram PE (鈥�palma emerita鈥�, 鈥�praemia emerita鈥�?) whose meaning is controversial. Both motifs frequently occur on contorniates as well as on late Roman material culture, and they could allude to games and competitions or may have been used just as propitious and favourable symbols. Nevertheless, it is unclear how these motifs on contorniates were interpreted by their recipients, and even less clear how they connected with the function of the contorniates.

Roman numerals could be engraved not only coins but even on tokens themselves, again converting them from one purpose to another. The two pieces shown above (Figs. 4-5) belong to the so-called 鈥�Vota Publicaissues鈥� (or 鈥淔estival of Isis coinage鈥�) and, in particular, they have to be ascribed to the so-called 鈥淎nonymous series鈥�, generically dated to the fourth century. A specimen carrys the radiate and draped bust of Serapis right, while the number V is incised on the reverse. Another piece, repeatedly published in auction catalogues since 1950, bears the crowned and draped busts of Isis and Serapis right, while the number XVI is engraved on the smoothed surface of the reverse. The obverse types of these two brass tokens show the same iconographies depicted on someVota Publicaspecimens published by Alf枚ldi (see Alf枚ldi 1937, Taf. 7,31; Taf. 14).

Undoubtedly, the Roman numerals incised on the reverse of these coins and tokens evoke the Roman tesserae with numerals belonging to the Julio-Claudian period (27 BC 鈥� AD 68), which show the busts of members of the imperial dynasty or other depictions on the obverses, and Roman numbers generally within a laurel wreath 鈥� sometimes with the additional letters A or AVG 鈥� on the reverses. Also the so-called spintriae, characterized by erotic images (symplegma) on the obverses, carry Roman numerals on the reverses, at times connected by scholars to a ludic function (game counters) or an erotic context (鈥渂rothel tokens鈥�). In addition to these two categories of tesserae, bone and ivory tokens also bear numbers written in both Latin and Greek on one side, and they were regarded as gaming counters on the basis of their findspots.

How should we interpret the coins as well as the Vota Publica specimens that were converted into tokens by engraving Roman numerals on their reverses? This kind of transformation of late Roman coins into tesserae suggests that they probably imitated earlier tokens carrying Roman numerals, and this presupposes a demand for this type of object also in the following centuries. The interpretation of these special 鈥�tesserae鈥� is therefore closely related to the unknown function of earlier Roman tokens with Roman numerals, suggesting a continuity between the tokens of the earlier and later Roman period in terms of imagery and reception. New evidence could help to clarify the meaning of Roman numerals as well as the purpose and effects of these objects within Roman society across a longer term perspective.

Select Bibliography

Alf枚ldi A., A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth Century (Budapest 1937).

Alf枚ldi A., 鈥楬eiden und Christen am Spieltisch鈥�, JAC 18, 1975, pp. 19-21.

Bianchi C., 鈥樎玃edine alessandrine禄: testimoni illustri di un gioco ignoto鈥�, in Lambrugo C. & Slavazzi F. (eds.), I materiali della Collezione Archeologica 鈥淕iulio Sambon鈥� di Milano (Milano, 2015), pp. 53-65.

Buttrey Th., 鈥楽pintriae as a Historical Source鈥�, NC 13, 1973, pp. 52-62.

Campana A., 鈥楲e Spintriae: tessere romane con raffigurazioni erotiche鈥�, in Morello A. (ed.), La donna romana. Immagini e vita quotidiana. Atti del convegno, Atina, 7 marzo 2009 (Cassino, 2009), pp. 43-96.

K眉ter A., 鈥楻oman tesserae with numerals 鈥� Some thoughts on iconography and purpose, in Rowan C., Cris脿 N. & Gkikaki M. (eds), Tokens: Culture, Connections, Communities, ed. by (London: Royal Numismatic Society, forthcoming).

Mittag P.F., Alte K枚pfe in neuen H盲nden: Urheber und Funktion der Kontorniaten (Bonn 1999).

Perassi C., 鈥楳onete amuleto e monete talismano. Fonti scritte, indizi, realia per l鈥檈t脿 romana鈥�, Numismatica e Antichit脿 Classiche. Quaderni Ticinesi 40 (2011), pp. 223-74.

'Tokens and religious diversity in Late Antiquity' by Cristian Mondello (June 2018)

In the two centuries following the tetrarchic reform of Diocletian (AD 293-305), tokens continued to be regularly produced in the Roman West for a variety of purposes. Given their religious and social-cultural value, the evidence of late antique tokens and coin-like objects helps us to understand the gradual religious transformation within the Roman Empire of the fourth and fifth centuries AD, allowing us to trace wider patterns in the shift from a pagan to a Christian culture. Nevertheless, the connection between tokens and late Roman religious communities remains a relatively unexplored or inadequately understood phenomenon.

Fig. 1: Bronze token from D茅partement des Monnaies, M茅dailles et Antiques (BnF), Paris. 20 mm, 3.05 g.

Remarkable is the bronze token shown above (Fig. 1), described in 1719 by B. de Montfaucon and held at the D茅partement des Monnaies, M茅dailles et Antiques (at the BnF) in Paris. It was part of the collection of the Roman antiquarian Marcantonio Sabatini and was purchased by Abb茅 Le Blond, who brought it to France. This token carries on the obverse the bust of Alexander the Great left, wearing lion鈥檚 skin, with the legend ALEXS螖-DRI; on the reverse is a donkey suckling a foal with a scorpion above, accompanied by the Christian legend D N IHV XPS DEI FILI-VS (鈥淒ominus Noster Jesus Christus Dei Filius鈥�).

This specimen is one of the so-called 鈥淎sina coins鈥�, perhaps struck in Rome during the reign of Honorius (AD 395-423). They are a small group of very rare bronze tokens, on whose obverses are portraits of Alexander the Great or the Roman emperor, while the reverses carry Graeco-Roman images, including Hercules-Minerva, a centaur fighting a hero and even an erotic scene.

Fig. 2a: Bronze token with Honorius (obv.) and the donkey/foal (rev.), from British Museum. 15 mm, 0.8 g.

Fig. 2b: Bronze token with female bust/Providentia (obv.) and the donkey/foal (rev.), from British Museum. 14 mm, 2.04 g.

These Asina tokens named for the donkey suckling a foal, which appears depicted on 4 other pieces. On the two specimens shown above, both housed at the British Museum, the donkey type on the reverse is accompanied by the legend ASINA (Latin for a donkey) (Fig. 2a), or the legend ROMA in the exergue (Fig. 2b). On the obverse of Fig. 2a is the portrait of the Roman emperor Honorius with the Urbs Roma Felix style, while in Fig. 2b the obverse carries a female bust with a crown ending in a crescent shape (Isis?) right, with the legend PROVI鈥揇ENTIA and R M below the bust.

Although the donkey was generally considered in the ancient world to be a symbol of fertility, a sacred animal, and an attribute of deities (e.g. Seth, Dionysus, Silenus, Vesta, Priapus), the image of the donkey suckling a foal is an unicum (unique) and has no comparanda in the material and visual culture of the Greek and Roman periods. According to some scholars, the Asina ype might be an indirect satirical allusion to Jesus, who was mocked by pagans as a god with a donkey鈥檚 head (H. Tanini 1791; A. Alf枚ldi 1951) (Fig. 3). By this hypothesis the 鈥淎sina coins鈥� might be considered anti-Christian medals, part of a covert pagan propaganda against the oppressive policy of the emperor Honorius towards polytheistic cults.

Fig. 3: The Alexamenos graffito (3rd century AD?) from Palatine Hill Museum, Rome.

However, historical and numismatic considerations oppose this interpretation. Other late antique tokens, like the so-called 鈥淔estival of Isis coinage鈥� and the 鈥渃ontorniates鈥�, carry pagan iconography and were used in the late Roman world despite repressive measures by the Christian empire. Although they too were interpreted by the early twentieth century scholarship as instruments of pagan propaganda, more recent hermeneutical approaches suggest instead that these coin-like objects had to be multifunctional. They were produced by a complex religious world, in which the categories of 鈥楥hristian鈥� and 鈥榩agan鈥� are neither as homogeneous nor as mutually exclusive as is often assumed. Moreover, the contorniates often show Christian symbols (the cross, the Chi Rho monogram), portraits of Christian Roman emperors (e.g. Honorius, Theodosius II, Valentinian III, Majorian, Anthemius), and even Christian graffiti engraved on the surface of the pieces after their manufacture (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4: Contorniate with Trajan and an engraved Chi Rho monogram in l. field (obv.) and a charioteer driving quadriga right (rev.), from Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Florence. Photo: S. Bani-M. Benci-A. Vanni 2012).

In light of the above, should the 鈥淎sina coins鈥� be considered as an expression of satire or religiouskoine? The combination of Graeco-Roman and Christian features on the Asina tokens suggests how complex the relations between pagans and Christians were in late antiquity. At this moment in history religious groups interacted along a variety of axes, which at times lead to conflict, and at times competition, but which, above all, was a form of coexistence.

Select bibliography:

A. Alf枚ldi, A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth Century (Budapest 1937).

A. Alf枚ldi, 鈥楢sina. Eine dritte Gruppe heidnischer Neujahrsm眉nzen im sp盲tantiken Rom鈥�, GNS 2 (7), 1951, 57-66.

A. Alf枚ldi, 鈥楢sina II. Weitere heidnische Neujahrsm眉nzen aus dem sp盲tantiken Rom鈥�, GNS 2 (8), 1951, 92-96.

A. Alf枚ldi, E. Alf枚ldi, Die Kontorniat-Medaillons. Teil 1: Katalog (Berlin 1976)

A. Alf枚ldi, E. Alf枚ldi, Die Kontorniat-Medaillons. Teil 2: Text (Berlin-New York 1990).

S. Bani, M. Benci, A. Vanni (eds), I medaglioni romani provinciali e contorniati nelle raccolte del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Firenze. Vol. II (Massa Marittima-Follonica-Firenze, 2012).

C. Cavedoni, 鈥楳茅dailles du temps d鈥橦onorius portant des signes chr茅tiens m锚l茅s 脿 des types pa茂ens鈥�, RN 1857, pp. 309-314.

B. de Montfaucon, L鈥檃ntiquit茅 expliqu茅e et repr茅sent茅e en figures (Paris 1719), II, 2, pp. 372-373, Pl. 168.

J.H. Echkel, Doctrina numorum veterum (Vindobonae 1798), t. VIII, p. 174; 289.

L. Lavan, M. Mulryan (eds), The Archaeology of Late Antique 鈥楶aganism鈥� (Leiden-Boston 2011).

F. Lenzi, 鈥楧i alcune medaglie religiose del IV secolo鈥�, Bilychnis 2, 1913, 113-131.

S. Mazzarino, 鈥楥ontorniati鈥�, in EAA, Roma 1959, pp. 784-791.

P.F. Mittag, Alte K枚pfe in neuen H盲nden: Urheber und Funktion der Kontorniaten (Bonn 1999).

M.R. Salzman, M. S谩ghy, R. Lizzi Testa (eds), Pagans and Christians in Late Antique Rome (Cambridge 2015).

H. Tanini, Numismatum Imperatorum Romanorum a Trajano Decio ad Constantinum Draconem ab Anselmo Bandurio editorum Supplementum (Romae 1791), p. 352, Pl. VIII.

'Anubis Tokens and the Festival of Isis in Late Antique Rome' by Clare Rowan (October 2016)

As part of the project I have been examining the Roman lead tokens housed in the British Museum. Amongst the tokens are several that show the Egyptian goddesses Isis and Anubis. One example of these type of tokens is shown below: one side of the token shows Isis with a sistrum (a type of musical instrument associated with the goddess) and what may be a situla (a type of bucket). The legend on the left reads ACICI. The other side of the token shows the dog-headed god Anubis with a branch and a rather stylised sistrum.

Lead token with Isis on one side and Anubis on the other.

The designs reminded me of the Isis coins of late antiquity, which are gathered together in Alf枚ldi's 1937 book A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth Century. Alf枚ldi observed that even as late as the fourth century AD coins were being struck in Rome with the imperial portrait on one side and the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis on the other. Another series, which Alf枚ldi called the 'anonymous' series, was also struck in the city. These had Isis or Sarapis on the obverse and various Egyptian motifs on the reverse: they did not name or show an emperor (an example is shown below). Alf枚di suggested that this 'anonymous' series was created in the official mint after AD 378-9, the date at which coins showing the imperial portrait in association with Egyptian deities ceased. Alf枚ldi believed that although the increasingly Christian emperors could no longer be associated with Isis or Sarapis, the (pagan) senatorial elite in Rome continued to produce coin-like objects for the festival of Isis, which could be given to their clients. Without the imperial portrait, these pieces weren't officially currency, Alf枚ldi suggested, but instead were gifts given by select senators to their clients (and these pieces, in turn, may have later been used as playing pieces or small change).

'Anonymous' issue with the portrait of Isis and figure of Anubis.

On the anonymous series Anubis carries a sistrum and (stylised) caduceus, and is accompanied by the legend VOTA PVBLICA. This legend is also found on the coins struck with the imperial portrait, and probably references the fact that the festival of Isis in Rome was often connected with vows for the health and safety of the emperor. There are stylistic similarities, particularly with the sistrum held by Anubis, between the coins and the tokens. This, and the unusual appearance of Anubis at all, leaves me to wonder whether the lead tokens are not also from the same time period, and connected to the same, or a similar festival for Isis. If the elite were already creating 'anonymous' coin-like objects for use in the festival, perhaps the lead tokens with Anubis were a complementary or later development. While the Anubis British Museum tokens don't have any find data associated with them, they were catalogued by Rostovtzeff in his catalogue of tokens from Rome and the suburbs (Tesserarum Urbis Romae et Suburbi Plumbearum Syllogeno. 3190),and similar tokens were mentioned by Ficorini in his 1740 work.Specimens are also held in the Museo Nazionale in the Baths of Diocletian in Rome and in the Vatican, suggesting that maybe these are tokens that come from Rome, despite their Egyptian motifs. Other lead tokens also show strikingly similar imagery to the late antique coins associated with the festival.

Until further data is found this is just an idea, but perhaps we should add these tokens into the discussions of the yearly festival of Isis in late antique Rome.