Greek Tokens
'Countermarks on Athenian Tokens' by Mairi Gkikaki (June 2019)
Athens is the city in the Classical world that minted tokens on a scale previously unparalleled, only to be superseded by Rome. Tokens in Athens had a continuous life of about seven centuries and facilitated numerous aspects of public life: the functioning of the Council, the Courts, the Assembly, participation in the Dionysia, the Panathenaea and the other festivals.
Researchers have commented on the relations between tokens and coins and have asked to what extent coins functioned as an archetype for tokens. The answer is clearly negative. Classical tokens do not resemble coins and functioned in an altogether different manner. They were probably used for the selection procedure of citizens who would fill offices and serve as public functionaries, and consecutively for the allotment of citizens to offices and even 鈥榳orkplaces鈥�.
Tokens with letters signify the allotment, the fact that citizens would be allotted randomly to offices (fig. 1). And here is a seeming similitude to coins: there exist letter tokens which are countermarked. But contrary to coins, where countermarking meant the revalidation of the item, so that issues were put afresh into circulation, the countermarking in this case signifies the particular sector of public life and complements the token design. Flans are particularly wide, probably because the placement of the countermark was conceived from the beginning. The designs of the countermarks 鈥� the winged caduceus (fig. 1), the kernos and the amphora in an ivy-wreath 鈥� are well attested in categories of official artefacts and they qualify as designs of the state seal (sphragis demosia). The exact offices they represent can only be conjectured but they can be seen as analogous to the stamps on the juror鈥檚 allotment plates; here the 鈥榦wl in wreath鈥� stamp meant that the citizen was eligible for jury allotments and the 鈥楪orgoneion鈥� stamp meant magisterial allotments.
It seems that the solution of the countermark was short-lived because only three out of the approximately three hundred Hellenistic tokens excavated in the Athenian Agora have a countermark placed next to a letter type.
Contrary to the rarity of countermarks on tokens dated to before Sulla鈥檚 sack of the city (86 BC), which practically marks the end of the city鈥檚 independence, countermarks are far more common in Athens of the Roman Imperial Period (fig. 2). In particular more than 200 specimens demonstrate at least one countermark out of the 620 tokens that can be securely dated to the period between the first century AD and AD 268, when the destruction inflicted on the city by the Herules marked the end of token use in Athens. It is worth noting that most of the tokens in strata and deposits containing Herulian debris carry countermarks. Our attention is particularly attracted by the countermarks of 鈥榮nail and rabbit鈥� and 鈥榮tork holding lizard by the tail鈥�, which are the most abundantly attested. In the trench containing dumped fill as a result of clean-up operations after the Herulian sack, countermarked tokens co-exist with un-countermarked specimens, albeit they are found on the same types. These mainly celebrate the cults of Asklepios, Hygieia and Telesphoros (fig. 3) or Asklepios alone, Dionysos (fig. 4), Serapis, Zeus and Nike, Athena and Nike and also Themistocles, and the Minotaur, alone or with Theseus. The latter cases may be related to the claims of Athenian elite families for status and prestigious ancestry.
4.)
The same pattern is also encountered on the tokens found in piles on the floors of the Attalos Stoa and also in the immediate vicinity of the Attalos Stoa to the south.
5.) .
Specimens are also quite often found to have been countermarked twice by the same stamp, such as the token with an Athena bust and two countermarks of the snail and rabbit type (fig. 5). More puzzling are the Herakles and tripod tokens, which on their reverse side bear three distinct countermarks: stork and lizard, snail and rabbit, and a third design not easily identifiable (fig. 6).
Both the designs of stork and lizard and of snail and rabbit relate to universal symbols and refer to narratives that could be easily adapted as badges and emblems. The stork in particular was very popular in medieval heraldry.
The meaning of the countermarks is not easy to decode. The countermarked tokens capture only a moment in the history of Athens, because they represent the types and specimens that were in circulation at the time of the Herulian Invasion and their preservation may be thought random. Even the hoarding of countermarked pieces together with un-countermarked specimens may have been occasioned by the circumstances that prevailed shortly after the destruction. The interpretation of the countermarks is all the more hindered by the scarcity of tokens in the centuries from the Augustan Period to the mid-third century AD, which could serve as a point of comparison.
Margaret Crosby suggested that the same countermark on varying types might help to identify the same authority behind the issuing of the tokens. The purpose of these tokens would have been admissions to games and festivals, such as those referred to in inscriptions of the third century AD. In fact the legend on two of the types reads 鈥榦f the Gerusia鈥�, the council formed by notable Athenians and instituted by the emperor Commodus in the year AD 178/9, which had the agonothesia of festivals. The Attalos Stoa was thought to provide an advantageous view of spectacles and processions going along the Panathenaic Way and in view of this function, tokens excavated there seem to come as no surprise.
It is well known that the holding of offices in the Hellenistic and increasingly in the Imperial period involved considerable private expense. The iconography of the countermarks and even some of the token types might then be related to wealthy gerusiastai and office-holders in general, who competed for the recognition of the people, an idea already advocated by Margaret Crosby.
6.
Along these lines, the countermarking a second or even a third time of tickets is to be considered as a renewal of their otherwise short lifetime. Roman period tokens were literary 鈥榯ime stamped鈥� and given out for a second or a third use since all the festivals were naturally recurring events. The registration of singular events constitutes the very essence of tokens across time, not unlike the modern-day block chain and its digital database or ledger.
This month's entry was written by Mairi Gkikaki. This blog forms part of the Project 'Tokens and their Cultural Biography in Athens from the Classical Age to the End of Antiquity', a Marie Sk艂odowska-Curie Action, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 794080-2.
Bibliography:
W. Bubelis, 鈥楾okens and imitation in ancient Athens鈥�, Marburger Beitr盲ge zur Antiken Handels-, Wirtschafts-, und Sozialgeschichte 28 (2010), 171-195.
E. Curtius, 脺ber Wappenstil und Wappengebrauch im klassischen Altertum (Berlin, 1874).
M. Crosby, 鈥楲ead and Clay Tokens鈥�, in M. Lang and M. Crosby,Weights, Measures and Tokens. The Athenian Agora, vol. 10 (Princeton, 1964), 69-146.
D.J. Gaegan, The Athenian Constitution after Sulla, Hesperia Supplements 12 (Princeton, 1967).
M. Gkikaki, 'Tokens in the Athenian Agora in the Third Century AD: Adverstising Prestige and Civic Identity in Roman Athens', in A. Cris脿, M. Gkikaki, and C. Rowan, Tokens: Cultures, Connections, Communities (London: Royal Numismatic Society, forthcoming)
S. Killen, Parasema. Offizielle Symbole griechischer Poleis und Bundesstaaten (Wiesbaden, 2017).
J.H. Kroll, Athenian Bronze Allotment Plates (Cambridge, 1972).
J.H. Kroll, 鈥楾he Athenian imperials: results of recent study鈥�, in J. Noll茅, B. Overbeck and P. Weiss (eds), Internationales Kolloquium zur Kaiserzeitlichen M眉nzpr盲gung Kleinasiens. 27-30 April 1994 in der Staatlichen M眉nzsammlung (M眉nchen, 1997). 61-9.
M. Lang, 鈥楢llotment by tokens鈥�, Historia: Zeitschrift f眉r Alte Geschichte 8, 1959, 80-9.
B. Maurer, 鈥楾he Politics of Token Economics鈥�, in. A. Cris脿, M. Gkikaki, and C. Rowan, Tokens: Cultures, Connections, Communities (London: Royal Numismatic Society, forthcoming).
K.D. Mylonas, 鈥樜懴勏勎刮何� 螠慰位蠉尾未喂谓伪 危蠉渭尾慰位伪鈥�, ArchEph 40, 1901, 119-22.
J.H. Oliver, The Sacred Gerusia. The American Excavations in the Athenian Agora. Hesperia Suppl. 6 (Princeton, 1941).
P.J. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia (Oxford, 1981).
G.C. Rothery, Concise Encyclopedia of Heraldry (London,1994, reprint of the book first published in 1914).
H.A. Thompson and R.E. Wycherley, The Agora of Athens: The History, Shape and Uses of an Ancient City Centre, The Agora of Athens, volume 14 (Princeton, 1972).
P. Tselekas, 鈥楥ountermarks on the Hellenistic Coinages of Lesbos鈥�, in P. Tselekas (ed),Coins in the Aegean Islands. Proceedings of the Fifth Scientific Meeting 16-19 September 2010, (Athens, 2010), 127-153.
O. Van Nijf and R. Alston (eds), Political Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age (Leuven, 2011).
'Tokens for the Eleusinian Mysteries' by Mairi Gkikaki (May 2018)
The intersection of imagery between tokens and coins in Hellenistic Athens remains an understudied phenomenon. It has previously been thought that tokens functioned as substitute for coinage or as an alternative currency according to a 鈥榝unctional鈥� approach. A more semiotic approach to these objects has underlined the obvious verisimilitude of Hellenistic tokens to the moneyer鈥檚 symbols of Athenian New Style coinage, identifying the common imagery used by a wide set of media, which included tokens, coins, weights and measures, as well as bronze allotment plates (pinakia).
Athenian lead token from G枚ttingen with a poppy head between two ears of wheat. (G枚ttingen, As-Pb-085, 13mm).
A token, shown above, struck only on one side with a poppy head between two ears of wheat and recently studied in the University Museum of G枚ttingen, returns to this question. The type follows closely coin types of the 70s BC. (J.H. Kroll with contributions by A.S. Walker,The Greek Coins, The Athenian Agora, vol. 26, Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1993, 118; 133-134). It is very probable that two different but closely associated workshops prepared two distinct sets of dies. The fact that dies for tokens have to date never been found, in conjunction with the evidence that indicates a continuous circle of disposing of the old tokens and recycling them, points to the fact the polis carefully controlled the production of tokens.
Tokens gave access to a broad array of state pay: for example assembly pay,misthos ekklesiastikos, from the late 5th cent. BC, juror鈥檚 pay from the late 5th century BC onwards, theatre tickets paid out on an ad hoc basis from the late 5th century BC, and regularly from thetheorikonfund from the middle of the 4th century BC. Fraudulent behaviour then is likely to have been quite common. In fact it is impossible to know how many, if any, of the tokens surviving today are ancient counterfeits.
Among the tokens with 鈥榗oin imagery鈥� a particular group stands apart. These are the tokens that fully copy or closely follow the imagery of Eleusinian coinage, struck in the name of Eleusis and likely connected to festivals. The 鈥榩oppy-ear wheat token鈥� is one of them. But the 鈥榢ernos鈥� or 鈥榩lemochoe鈥�, a type of vessel, is a far more popular 鈥楨leusinian鈥� device on tokens.
Token showing a kernos. G枚ttingen, AS-Pb-090, 12mm.
Token showing a kernos. G枚ttingen, As-Pb-091, 11mm.
Two such tokens showing a kernos are also found in the University Coin Collection of G枚ttingen, shown above. Remarkable also is a bronze token with a kernos on the reverse, accompanied by the legend 螖螚螠螣危 螒螛螚螡螒螜惟螡, 鈥榯he demos of Athens鈥� (Svoronos 1898, 124). The vessel is also attested as a countermark on a lead token of the letter series (Crosby 1964, L5). The kernos appears for the first time on Athenian bronze coinage (hemiobols and chalkoi) of the period following the evacuation of the Macedonian garrisons from the forts of Attica in 229BC.
The last day of the Eleusinian Mysteries was called 鈥楶lemochoai鈥�, named after these particular vases, which were used ceremonially. A. Dumont has suggested that tokens carrying these designs could have been used in the Eleusinian Festival. The circumstances could have been similar to the ones that prompted the 鈥樜曃浳曃ノＮ� coinage鈥�, the coins carrying a reference to Eleusis. Perhaps tokens were employed as credit when the appropriate money was not available. Or 鈥� more probably 鈥� tokens were issued by the Boule and the magistrates responsible for the Eleusinian Mysteries or the panegyriarch, who presided over the panegyris (assembly) related to the festival. Today 鈥榢ernos-tokens鈥� have been found in and around the tholos of the Agora in Athens.
The connection of tokens to Athenian Festivals in the Hellenistic Period is also attested through another important find: all the 鈥楶anathenaic Amphora 鈥� tokens鈥� have been found very near the so-called Arsenal, on the North side of the Agora, the only building which contained sherds of Panathenaic Amphoras.
This month's entry was written by Mairi Gkikaki as part of the Token Communities in the Ancient Mediterranean Project.
Bibliography
W. Bubelis, 鈥楾okens and Imitation in Ancient Athens鈥�, Marburger Beitr盲ge zur Antiken Handels-, Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte28, 2011, pp. 171-195.
Fr. De Callata每, 鈥楲es Plombes 脿 type Mon茅taires en Gr褠ce Ancienne: Monnaies (officielles, votives ou contrefaites), jetons, sceax, poids, 茅preuves ou fantaisies?鈥� RN 167, 2010 pp. 219-255.
M. Crosby, 鈥楲ead and Clay Tokens. Part II鈥�, in Lang, M. Crosby, M., Weights, Measures and Tokens. The Athenian Agora, vol. 10 (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1964).
L. Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin 1932).
A. Dumont, De Plumbeis apud Graecos Tesseris (Paris 1870).
M. Gkikaki, 'The Collection of Athenian Lead Tokens at the University Museum of G枚ttingen' (SchwNumRu forthcoming)
J.H. Kroll with contributions by A.S. Walker, The Greek Coins, The Athenian Agora, vol. 26 (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1993).
C. Mann,Spent or Saved? The Circulation of Festival Coins Struck for the Eleusinian Mysteries, Unpublished MA Essay (University of 糖心TV 2017, RNS Parkes Weber Prize)
G.E. Mylonas, Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (Princeton 1961).
M.P. Nilsson, Die Geschichte der Griechischen Religion (M眉nchen 1941).
P.J. Rhodes, The Athenian Boule (Oxford 1972).
I.N. Svoronos, 鈥樜犖迪佄� 蟿蠅谓 螘喂蟽喂蟿畏蟻委蠅谓 蟿蠅谓 螒蟻蠂伪委蠅谓. 螠苇蟻慰蟼 螒蝿 螘喂蟽喂蟿萎蟻喂伪 蟿慰蠀 螞蠀魏慰蠉蟻纬蔚喂慰蠀 螖喂慰谓蠀蟽喂伪魏慰蠉 螛蔚维蟿蟻慰蠀 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 螝位蔚喂蟽胃蔚谓蔚委慰蠀 螘魏魏位畏蟽委伪蟼 蟿蠅谓 螒胃畏谓伪委蠅谓鈥�. JIAN1, 1898, pp. 37-84.
'The Athenian polis and its 'winged' symbola' by Mairi Gkikaki (March 2018)
In the three centuries between the recovery of Athens after the Peloponnesian War in the 390s and Sullan Sack in 86 BC the polis (city) was regularly minting symbola 鈥� the Greek word for tokens 鈥� for a variety of purposes. The images these tokens carry shed light on the fabric of Athenian civic life. These devices, dissimilar to the usual repertoire of the small-scale works of art, are peculiar to the polis ideology. Since they are lacking clarifying inscriptions and because they were discontinued in the Imperial Period, their meaning today is even more cryptic.
The roles the Athenian symbola played were very much linked to aspects of polis institutions, and the messages of these tokens were shared by members of a 鈥榮ingle community of interpretation鈥�. Inspiration was derived from the world of nature and three creatures deserve our attention here: the cicada, the wasp and the locust.
Athenian token showing a cicada.
The cicada (Postolacca 1868, 415, which is pictured left) refers to the much celebrated 鈥榓utochthony鈥�: the Athenians were proud that they had always inhabited the same land, and were 鈥榖orn out of the land鈥� (驳脓驳别苍别颈蝉), just like the cicada (Plato, Symposium, 191C). The myth behind the notion was derived from observations of the cicada鈥檚 life cycle: the 苍测尘辫丑脓 remained underground until the fully-grown cicadas emerged from the earth. Cicadas were proudly worn by the famed generation of Marathon-fighters (Thucydides 1.6.3) and the cicada was considered a particular sign of patriotism, going as far as to function as a conscious tribute to past generations. Expressions of political conservatism cannot be not excluded if Aristophanes鈥� brief mentions of the insect are taken into consideration (Equites 1331; Nubes 984).
Beyond this the cicada is inseparable from music. Its song inspired the Greek spirit, who acknowledged that the cicadas had a divine substance. This charming singer was called the 鈥榥ightingale of the muses鈥�, 鈥榯he soothsayer of the Muses鈥�, and a 鈥榤usician like Apollo鈥�. Plato in Phaedrus narrates that cicadas were originally men, who were carried away by the music of the chorus and the flute: 鈥榯hey were so struck by the pleasure of it that they sang and sang, forgot to eat and drink and died before they knew it鈥� and were reborn as cicadas (259b-c). This passion for music makes the cicada the archetype of the polis; a particular lifestyle defined by openness to the word and deriving from trust to the native spirit of its citizens along with liberality and self-determination in private affairs, as it is exhorted in Pericles鈥� Epitaph (Thucydides 2.39). It cannot escape us that this very passion stands at the roots of the dual principle of 鈥�驳测尘苍补蝉迟颈办脓 for the body, 尘辞耻蝉颈办脓 for the soul鈥� (Plato, Res Publica, 376C) with 尘辞耻蝉颈办脓 meaning not just education, but a particular form of socialization, indispensable for the formation and functioning of the polis. The cicada, then, becomes Athena鈥檚 companion (Anthologia Palatina 6.120.7-8).
Athenian token showing a wasp.
Athenian token showing a locust.
If the cicada embodies inherent values of Athenian citizenship, the wasp, also encountered on symbola (University Museum G枚ttingen AS-Pb-010, 10mm, previously unpublished and shown above), demands an even more challenging approach, especially when considering the apparently harmful nature of the creature. Again here consultation of written sources is indispensable. The wasp stands for anger in Athenian politics, anger resulting from fundamental conflicts in the public forums of debate, which included the Assembly, the Council, and the People鈥檚 Courts. Especially through the latter the rebellious anger of the citizen is carefully channelled and finds entrance into the public sphere. As a result the extravagances of elite struggles are tempered and democratic citizenship and the resulting qualification to rule is processed. The litigious wasps 鈥榟ave stingers extremely sharp, sticking out from their rumps, that they stab with, and they leap and attack, crackling like sparks鈥� (Aristophanes, Wasps, 223-27).
A radically different message is conveyed by the locust鈥檚 presence on Athenian symbola (shown above, University Museum G枚ttingen AS-Pb-107, 18 mm, previously unpublished). Given the polis鈥� constant preoccupation for the safety of the harvest at home on one hand and for ensuring adequate sources of grain from abroad on the other, the locust shouldn鈥檛 surprise us. In Hellenistic Athens the loss of the harvest and famine wouldn鈥檛 have been the outcome of locust swarms alone, but an event that could also result from long periods of warfare and the ensuing pillaging of the countryside. So it was in the mid-290s BC that the Hellenistic general Demetrius Poliorketes鈥� 150,000 bushels of grain provided much desired relief after lengthy siege (Plutarch, Demetrius, 34.4). The destructive agent on these symbola, which probably could have been exchanged for wheat, would have signified that the threat had passed and could even have had an apotropaic function.
This month's coin of the month was written by Mairi Gkikaki as part of the Token Communities in the Ancient Mediterranean Project.
Sincere thanks are due to Dr. Daniel Graepler, curator of the University Museum G枚ttingen.
The images were digitally remastered by Matthias Demel.
Bibliography:
Bodson, L. (1978). HIERA ZOIA. Contribution a la place de l鈥檃nimal dans la religion grecque ancienne. Academie Royale de Belgique.M茅moires de la Classe des LettresLXIII,2: 9-43.
Habicht, Chr. (1997).Athens from Alexander to Antony. Harvard University Press.
Hoffmann, H. (1997).Sotades. Symbols of Immortality on Greek Vases. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Mabel, L. and Crosby, M. (1964). Weights, Measures and Tokens.The Athenian Agora results of the excavations conducted by the American School of Classical Studies, Volume X: 72-146, pls. 19-32.
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Oliver, J.G. (2007).War, Food and Politics in Early Hellenistic Athens. Oxford University Press.
Postolacca, A. (1868). Piombi Inediti del Nazionale Museo Numismatico di Atene,Annali dell鈥� InstitutoXL: 268-316 with pl. K; pl. Monumenti Inediti VIII, pl. LII.
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