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The Travel Account of Francisco 脕lvares: Ethiopian-European Relations in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Century

Published: 3 April 2023 - Mathilde Alain

Francisco 脕lvares, a Portuguese chaplain, accompanied a Portuguese embassy to the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia between 1520 and 1526. The embassy, sent by the Portuguese King Manuel I, reached coastal Massawa in April 1520. From there, it travelled south to reach the itinerant court of the Ethiopian king, or negus, L蓹bn盲 D蓹ng蓹l, in 艩盲wa. In total, the embassy stayed there for six years, enabling 脕lvares to gather information about Ethiopian Christian religious practices and the geography of the region, as well as about the organization of the royal court.

脕lvares鈥 account also documents the Ethiopian-Portuguese relations and, more broadly, Ethiopian-European relations. His account, published in Portugal in 1540 under the title Ho Preste Joam das Indias, describes the embassy鈥檚 journey, its initial diplomatic setbacks and the eventual improved diplomatic relations.[1] The title of the account itself, which translates as 鈥楶rester John of the Indies鈥, refers to the European myth of Prester John: he was supposed to be a powerful sovereign ruling over a Christian kingdom, vaguely located in Asia but, from the fourteenth century onwards, associated with Africa. The Portuguese were very interested in finding this Christian kingdom, hoping to establish a military alliance with it to defeat the Muslims in the Red Sea and to get their hands on the spice trade.

Portuguese Travel Account

Figure 1. Front page of the Portuguese travel account, printed in 1540 by Lu铆s Rodrigues. Public Domain.

脕lvares鈥 travel account therefore opens a window on the history of Ethiopian-European interactions in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, showing that between these two spaces they were transfers of people, objects, and practices. At first, the Portuguese searched for Prester John in West Africa. They had a vague idea that this mythical kingdom was to be found near the Nile, but their perception of the African hydrographic system misled them as they believed that the Nile rose in West Africa.[2] In the meantime, Ethiopian envoys had reached Portugal. In fact, Ethiopian embassies had been sent to Europe since the beginning of the fifteenth century, at first to Italy. Successive Ethiopian rulers were interested in acquiring ecclesiastic relics and the services of European craftsmen, to enhance their prestige in Ethiopia and fuel their political agenda of building churches.[3]

Ethiopian-European Relations

The 1520 Portuguese embassy therefore must be understood in the history of Ethiopian-Portuguese relations.[4] Indeed, this embassy followed the arrival at the Portuguese court of the Ethiopian ambassador Mateus, sent by the Queen regent 茙leni to deliver diplomatic letters. This Ethiopian embassy was itself responding to the envoy of Portuguese emissaries in 1508 with letters to ask for supplies and soldiers. Before that, Afonso de Paiva and P锚ro de Covilh茫 had been sent to the Indian Ocean in 1487 to obtain information on India and on Prester John.

Despite these previous relations, when the Portuguese arrived at L蓹bn盲 D蓹ng蓹l鈥檚 court in 1520, they were not given much attention. 脕lvares vividly recounts how, for instance, the Portuguese had to wait for a long time outside the gates: 鈥極n reaching the door or entrance of the first hedge enclosure we found there doorkeepers who made us wait more than an hour in great cold, and a sharp wind that was blowing鈥.[5] The lack of Portuguese gifts severely impeded the initial relations, as 脕lvares鈥 description of an audience with L蓹bn盲 D蓹ng蓹l shows: 鈥楾hey came with another addition, saying that it was the custom of all those who had sent ambassadors to these countries to send much clothing, and so they had always done to his predecessors, and that we had come and had brought nothing鈥.[6] However, this did not prevent the embassy achieving its mission, as eventually the diplomatic letters were delivered and the Portuguese were given diplomatic letters to deliver to the Captain Major of the Indies, the Portuguese king, and the Pope.

脕lvares鈥 account further provides an insight into the pre-existing European-Ethiopian relations. At court, he describes the existence of a group of Europeans living there, designated as 鈥楩ranks鈥 by Ethiopians. They were Europeans from Italy, Portugal, Germany, and Spain, who had been detained at court, not having been authorised by the Ethiopian king to go back to their countries. These included Niccolo Branceleon, a Venitian painter, and P锚ro de Covilh茫, the Portuguese emissary of Jo茫o II. These Europeans had learnt Ethiopian languages and some of them had a high status in Ethiopian society. 脕lvares also met Ethiopians mastering European languages, including for instance 峁⒚ga Z盲鈥檃b who had been to Italy and knew some Latin. In 1527, the Portuguese embassy left for Lisbon with diplomatic letters and 峁⒚ga Z盲鈥檃b as L蓹bn盲 D蓹ng蓹l鈥檚 ambassador.

An Italian version of 脕lvares鈥 account rearranged by the scholar Ludovico Beccadelli in 1542 includes Ethiopian additions on religious and royal matters.[7] These were made by Ethiopians who lived in Rome at the time, including the scholar T盲sfa 峁yon.[8] This is evidence of the Ethiopian presence in Rome in the sixteenth century, where a small community had settled in the church of Santo Stefano degli Abissini.[9]

Ethiopian Perspectives

Nonetheless, it is difficult to get an idea of Ethiopia鈥檚 perception and imagination of these interactions and relations and of the Portuguese. Whilst an Ethiopian written source of the time briefly mentions 脕lvares, there are insufficient source materials from the Ethiopian perspective for comparison – even if 脕lvares鈥 account hints at the Ethiopian point of view. To truly study the embassy from a global perspective would require an equal treatment of both the Portuguese and Ethiopian perspectives. 脕lvares鈥 account therefore documents contacts between Europe and Ethiopia in the early sixteenth century, showing that these relations involved cultural transfers and exchanges of people, objects and practices between Ethiopia and Europe.

Mathilde Alain is a second-year PhD Student at the Centre for the Study of the Renaissance in 糖心TV, in co-tutelle with the Centre d鈥櫭塼udes Sup茅rieures de la Renaissance in Tours (France). She works on the travel account of Francisco 脕lvares, a chaplain who accompanied a Portuguese embassy to Ethiopia (1520-1526). She has also studied the travel notebooks of the French explorer Antoine d鈥橝bbadie who travelled to Ethiopia in the nineteenth century.

[1] Francisco 脕lvares, Ho Preste Joam das indias: Verdadera informa莽am das terras do Preste Joam / segundo vio & escreveo ho padre Francisco Aluarez, capell茫o del rey nosso senhor. Agora novamente impresso por mandado do dito senhor (Lisbon: Lu铆s Rodrigues, 1540)().
[2] Robin Seignobos, 鈥楲鈥檕rigine occidentale du Nil dans la g茅ographie latine et arabe avant le XIVe si猫cle鈥, in (茅d.) Nathalie Bouloux, Anca Dan, Georges Tolias, Orbis Disciplinae, Hommages en l'honneur de Patrick Gautier Dalch茅, Brepols, Turnhout, 2017, p. 371-394.
[3] On this, see the work of Verena Krebs, Medieval Ethiopian kingship, craft, and diplomacy with Latin Europe (Cham: Springer Nature, 2021).
[4] On this, see the work of Verena Krebs, op. cit.; Matteo Salvadore, The African Prester John and the birth of Ethiopian-European relations, 1402-1555 (London: Routledge, 2016).
[5] Charles Beckingham and George Huntingford, The Prester John of the Indies: A true relation of the lands of the Prester John being the narrative of the Portuguese embassy to Ethiopia in 1520 written by Father Francisco Alvares, 2 vols (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1961), p. 281.
[6] Beckingham and Huntingford, The Prester John of the Indies, p. 342.
[7] See Francisco 脕lvares, ed. by Osvaldo Raineri, La historia dEthiopia di Francesco Alvarez ridotta in italiano da Ludovico Beccadelli (Vatican City: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 2007).
[8] On T盲sfa 峁yon, see James De Lorenzi and Matteo Salvadore, 鈥楢n Ethiopian scholar in tridentine Rome: T盲sfa 峁yon and the Birth of Orientalism鈥, Itinerario (2021): 17-46.
[9] On this, see Olivia Adankpo-Labadie, 鈥楢ccueillir et contr么ler les p猫lerins 茅thiopiens 脿 Rome aux XVe et XVIe si猫cles. L鈥檌nstitution de l鈥檋ospice pontifical de Santo Stefano dei Mori鈥, M茅langes de l鈥櫭塩ole fran莽aise de Rome-Moyen 脗ge 131-2 (2019): 437-445.

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